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Law The Cannabis Chronicles - Misc Cannabis News

CBD supply seen shrinking as U.S. farmers flee hemp


U.S. farmers appear to be fleeing the hemp market after a rush last year to meet over-hyped CBD demand resulted in plunging prices and warehouses full of unsold supply.
Pricing and data firm Hemp Benchmarks said there’s been a “notable contraction” in permitted hemp production capacity this year, with U.S. licensed acreage down more than 30 per cent from 2019 and indoor and greenhouse square footage falling 64 per cent.
Hemp is a type of cannabis that contains less than 0.3 per cent THC, the compound that gets you high. It’s grown for its CBD, a non-psychoactive ingredient that’s said by proponents to help with everything from sleeplessness to pain, as well as for industrial and food purposes. It was legalized across the U.S. in late 2018, but the Food and Drug Administration still prohibits CBD use in food or dietary supplements.



Hemp Benchmarks said in its July report that it also expects a smaller proportion of 2020’s hemp crop to be grown for CBD, with the rest being used for fiber and grain.
“If proportions of planted and successfully harvested acreage this year are similar to last year, it should result in a substantially smaller supply of CBD and other cannabinoid-rich biomass from this year’s crop, relative to 2019,” the firm said.
This is beginning to affect prices, with “stabilizing rates” in recent months and even “slight upward trends” for some products, like smokable bulk CBD flower and refined hemp oil.
“Whether this trend will hold is uncertain, given that many processors are reportedly sitting on significant amounts of inventory,” Hemp Benchmarks said. In addition, “large amounts of extracted CBD are currently ‘locked up’ in bankruptcy reorganizations and lawsuits, and when such product might be released onto the market again is unknown.”
CBD biomass prices are still far below where they were a year ago, trading in a range of 40 cents to US$1.05 per percentage point of CBD content per pound, compared to over US$4 in July 2019, according to trading platform and benchmark pricing service PanXChange.
CBD Demand
Supply may be shrinking, but demand is too. CBD sales this year are now forecast to be significantly below previous estimates amid fallout from pandemic-related store closures, unemployment and inaction by the FDA on food-related products, according to a recent report from cannabis data firm Brightfield Group.
The U.S. CBD market is now projected to reach US$4.7 billion in sales in 2020, up 14 per cent from 2019; that’s down from a prior forecast of about $8 billion issued last year. Brightfield also significantly reduced its outlook for 2023 to US$12.4 billion from about US$20 billion previously.
 
Canopy Growth CEO’s partial-year compensation tops CA$45 million
Published August 11, 2020 | By Matt Lamers




David Klein
Canopy Growth’s chief executive earned 1,042 times more than the median compensation for the cannabis producer’s other employees in fiscal 2020.

The partial-year compensation for CEO David Klein was about $33.8 million (CA$45 million), including salary, bonus, stock options and other compensation, the Smiths Falls, Ontario-based company disclosed in its proxy statement released after the fiscal year ended March 31.

That likely puts Klein – who began his job in mid-January – among the top CEO earners in Canada across all industries.

It also makes him the highest-paid cannabis CEO for a single fiscal year of compensation in Canada, edging out Tilray CEO Brendan Kennedy’s 2018 total compensation of CA$42.6 million.

Klein’s disclosed compensation also reflects a salary and bonus that cover only the portion of the fiscal year he was CEO – roughly 2½ months – between mid-January and March.

Canopy’s median employee earned CA$43,000 – or slightly more than the company’s planned contribution to Klein’s retirement plan, per his disclosed offer of full-time employment with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission.

David Macdonald, senior economist at the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives in Ottawa, said Klein’s compensation is quite high, “even within the rarified world of CEOs in Canada.”

“In that sense, it exemplifies the issue with CEO pay, which is that the explosion in CEO pay is due to the bonus side, not the salary side per se,” Macdonald said.

“And while the bonuses are hypothetically connected to stock price, in the real world, they have little relation to the stock price.”

Pay is equitable, Canopy says

Jordan Sinclair, Canopy’s vice president of communications, said Klein’s compensation is fair for Canopy.

“The Cannabis industry is heavily regulated industry. It’s in growth mode. It’s also under the spotlight. That dynamic requires a mix of strategy and creativity from its leadership and people with that skill set mix deserve to be paid very well,” Sinclair wrote in an email to Marijuana Business Daily, adding that “David’s (compensation) is very closely aligned with shareholders’ interests.”

“Both the board and our executive team look at compensation very carefully to ensure we’re attracting and retaining the best talent, this applies to all positions including the CEO job.”

Sinclair said Canopy has not asked any workers to accept reduced pay during the COVID-19 crisis, “and our retail and ops teams received an increase in pay to acknowledge the fact that it took extra dedication to come into work at the height of the pandemic.”

Klein has a big job ahead of him.

He inherited a company that lost CA$1.39 billion in fiscal year 2020.

Klein moved decisively after taking the helm at Canopy in mid-January, announcing a new vision for the company, closing some facilities and eliminating more than 800 jobs.

Canopy is paying Klein significantly more than his predecessors in terms of salary and total compensation.

Klein’s total compensation is about four times higher than former CEO Bruce Linton’s in 2019 (CA$9.3 million) – the same year he was fired.

Total compensation for Canopy’s eight named executive officers was CA$68 million in the fiscal year.

That is higher than Canopy’s stated employee compensation of CA$41 million as of June 30, according to the latest financial statement. The company reported revenue of CA$110.4 million for the quarter ended June 30 on a loss of CA$128 million.

How the ‘CEO world works’

“Canopy’s stock in 2020 has been relatively flat with coronavirus and down substantially from where it stood in 2018 and 2019, so you might conclude from that that executives are paid less,” Macdonald said. “But they really aren’t, as with other companies.”

“This is the way the CEO world works. It’s disconnected from regular workers and the company.”

Norton Singhavon, founder and CEO of GTEC Cannabis in Vancouver, British Columbia, noted that many Canadian cannabis companies have not delivered for their investors in recent years, resulting in significant losses.

“Accordingly, I do not see any reasonable justification at this stage for multimillion-dollar salaries within the sector,” he said.

Klein’s fiscal 2020 compensation (in U.S. dollars) consisted of:

  • A partial-year salary of $210,000.
  • A partial bonus of $304,688.
  • Stock awards worth $7.5 million.
  • Option awards worth $24.8 million (the value on the date the option is granted).
  • “Other compensation” worth $949,135.
Canopy’s shares trade as CGC on the New York Stock Exchange and WEED on the Toronto Stock Exchange.
 
We don't need to tell you that marijuana legalization is a winning political issue. That’s because you already know that a super-majority of Americans -- including most Democrats, Republicans, and Independents -- want the federal government to legalize cannabis.
You know this. But neither Donald Trump or Joe Biden has gotten the memo.
Both candidates want your vote in November. But neither have sought to earn your vote by pledging to end marijuana prohibition.
This is why we have set up a petition calling upon them to commit to ending federal marijuana criminalization and enact sensible and politically popular policy reforms.
SIGN THE PETITION NOW
It’s time for the interests of the tens of millions of Americans who support replacing marijuana prohibition with a system of adult-use legalization to have their say in Washington, DC. And we’ll have our say if we raise our voices. That is why, in addition to signing this new petition, we need you to also share it with your friends and family to ensure that our voices do not go unnoticed.
By joining together, we cannot be ignored. By being unified, will we be heard.
Share on Facebook with just a click
Share on Twitter with just a click
Share on Instagram with just a click
In the petition, we are calling upon the two major party candidates to support the following changes in federal marijuana policy:

No need to comment, just passing on the petition - FYI - Received this from NORMAL in my email. Maybe you received this too.
 
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2020 Could Still Be A Big Year For Cannabis Legalization


Nothing in 2020 has gone according to plan, and cannabis legalization is no exception. According to Vox's criminal justice and public health reporter German Lopez, at least 18 states were predicted to legalize cannabis to some degree this year, either through their legislatures or via ballot measure. 2020 was supposed to be a big year for cannabis legalization.
And then COVID-19 happened.
Across the country, ballot measure campaigns reliant on gathering signatures were forced to shut down operations due to health concerns and social distancing guidelines. Campaigns in a handful of states aiming to put cannabis legalization on the ballot, including Arkansas, Missouri, and North Dakota, are now on hold for this election cycle, and activists are already gearing up for 2022. In Oklahoma, a combination of both a legal challenge to a proposed adult-use initiative and COVID-19 has made it nearly impossible to gather enough signatures to qualify for the November ballot.
If unable to meet the upcoming deadline, the campaign will likely try to put legalization up to a vote in a special election in 2021, or they will have to wait until the 2022 election. Meanwhile, previous legislative priorities, including cannabis, fell by the wayside as local, state, and federal legislatures pivoted to address the public health crisis.
The global pandemic cannot entirely account for why certain legalization movements failed to cross the finish line, as that is the nature of politics and governance, but there is no doubt that COVID-19 has greatly impacted the cannabis policy landscape.
However, up to seven states will have the opportunity to vote for medical or adult-use legalization this November. If all seven ballot measures pass, it will be the second biggest year for cannabis legalization, falling just short of the nine states that legalized medical or adult-use cannabis in 2016.
Despite all of the uncertainty and disruption caused by the pandemic, it's looking like 2020 could still be a pivotal year for cannabis.
Cannabis legalization will be on the ballot in multiple states
Unless something extraordinary happens in the next few months, federal legalization is very likely off the table for 2020. Despite some recent movement on the Marijuana Opportunity, Reinvestment and Expungement (MORE) Act, legalization has gained little momentum in Congress. President Trump also appears to have no plans to move on legalization and is facing little to no pressure on the matter from his political opponent, Joe Biden. So once again, the states are moving forward on cannabis legalization with or without the federal government. As is true with much of the history of cannabis in the United States, the fate of legalization lies in the hands of the voters.
At the time of writing this article, seven states are expected to have legalization initiatives on their November ballots. Arizona, Montana, New Jersey, and South Dakota have ballot measures that would legalize cannabis for adults over 21, and Idaho, Mississippi, Nebraska, and South Dakota have ballot measures that would establish a medical cannabis program.
Idaho is still in the signature-gathering phase, however, activists are in the middle of a legal battle to win the right to collect signatures electronically. The Idaho Cannabis Coalition claims they have around 45,000 unverified signatures, and they will need 55,057 valid signatures to qualify for the ballot.
Montana, South Dakota, and Mississippi will vote on multiple cannabis-related ballot measures. South Dakota will be the first state to vote on separate medical and adult-use legalization initiatives in the same election year. Montana residents will vote on one measure to legalize adult-use cannabis, and a separate measure to add a constitutional amendment that would set the legal age for cannabis at 21.
In Mississippi, voters will have the chance to vote for two separate legalization initiatives, Initiative 65 and Alternative 65A. Both would legalize medical cannabis, however there are significant disparities in the level of detail between the two measures.
Initiative 65, led by the Medical Marijuana 2020 campaign, includes specific information on qualifying conditions, possession limits, license fees, tax rates, which state department would oversee the program, and deadlines for program implementation. Alternative 65A, which was placed on the ballot by the Mississippi State Legislature as an alternative to Initiative 65, provides minimal details on the proposed medical program.
Campaigning in the era of COVID-19
COVID-19 has dramatically impacted how both signature gathering and campaigning are being carried out due to health concerns and social distancing mandates. Signature gathering typically involves people going door-to-door or visiting busy locations. It often requires close contact with others and the sharing of materials, including clipboards, petition forms, and pens. Many campaigns had to make the decision to either suspend their operations or make significant changes to protect the health and safety of both the campaigners and the general public.
RELATED: UFC Star and Serial Entrepreneur 'Sugar' Sean O'Malley Mixes Business With Beatdowns
“It was decided that it was reasonable and prudent to gather signatures if we made major changes to the process. So we pretty much reinvented signature gathering … We ordered 150,000 pens so each signer could have their own ink pen….There were handwashing stations and social distancing regulations. And then Montanans showed up. Every time we set up a signature gathering table, people would stop their cars, get out, get a pen and sign. 130,000 people did that,” said Pepper Petersen, the political director for New Approach Montana.
In addition to preventing signature gathering, COVID-19 has also impacted campaign strategies leading up to the election. Once an initiative receives enough signatures to qualify for the ballot, campaigns typically employ a voter education and advertising strategy to ensure the success of a ballot measure. This includes television and digital advertising, printed educational materials, and door-to-door canvassing. This year, however, campaigns must focus almost entirely on reaching voters remotely.
According to Axel Owen, the campaign manager of NJ Can 2020, a coalition supporting the legalization efforts in New Jersey, “[COVID-19] forced us in the beginning stages to take a look at the way campaigns are done. Normally we go hire organizers. We get people out knocking on doors. We do the standard things. But because of COVID, we had to make an educated decision early in the campaign to focus more on digital and new ways of approaching voters on this issue.”
On top of educating people on what to vote for, COVID-19 has presented a new challenge for campaigns- educating people on how to vote. With all of the uncertainty surrounding the upcoming election, particularly whether voting will be done entirely by mail or not, campaigns are preparing to educate voters on how to mail in their ballots.
“The most dangerous thing in our mind is somebody who votes for marijuana legalization but doesn't do the ballot right. They don't sign the outside envelope and their vote gets thrown out,” Owen explains. “What we've been doing is making sure that our communication is focused on both the education around the issue ... but also educating voters on how to properly vote by mail. Making sure they know what they're doing and making sure that their vote is actually counted.”
Impacting the future (and past) of cannabis in America
One of the most important components of cannabis legalization is the opportunity to address the harms caused by the War on Drugs. Of the seven states with legalization ballot measures this year, only Nebraska and Mississippi have taken steps in the past to decriminalize cannabis. In the other five states, a person can still be arrested and receive jail time for simple possession.
Arizona, Montana, and South Dakota all have decriminalization provisions in their ballot measures; and Arizona and Montana's ballot measures would allow those with certain cannabis-related charges to expunge their records.
“We had so many people participate in the drafting. We had a statewide tour where we collected information ... and 100% of the time, [people] said expungement was the one thing that they all wanted to see in the law no matter what,” said Pepper Petersen. “To be out here campaigning for this and to see that 100% support, it galvanizes your personal commitment to making sure that this thing passes.”
Legalization on its own will not automatically repair the harms of cannabis criminalization, but it is often a step in the right direction.
Even though seven states have the opportunity to legalize medical or adult-use cannabis this November, the different ballot measures vary in both their scope and level of detail. Some initiatives are more robust and provide a clear roadmap for what the cannabis market will look like, whereas others provide a skeletal framework that will rely on the legislative and regulatory processes to hash out the details of the future cannabis market in that state.
Cannabis on the local level
Beyond ballot measures, other electoral races have the potential to impact the future cannabis market. Governors, local and state representatives, and city councils all play an important role in shaping the cannabis industry. For example, many ballot measures include provisions that would allow local governments to ban commercial cannabis activity in their jurisdiction, highlighting the importance of local elections.
The work is not over after the passage of a ballot measure. The quality of a cannabis market relies on those in government tasked with the implementation and oversight of the newly legalized cannabis industry. Voters in favor of cannabis legalization should take the time to research the different candidates running for office in their state to determine whether they would support or hinder cannabis legalization and access.
This November, up to seven states could legalize medical or adult-use cannabis. Idaho and South Dakota, both notorious for having some of the strictest cannabis laws in the United States, could finally join the majority of the country in legalization. States could generate millions of dollars in much-needed tax revenue during a time when public funds are drying up due to COVID-19, patients across the country could soon have access to crucial medicine, and thousands of people could have their previous cannabis records expunged.
2020 could still be a big year for cannabis legalization.
 
Cannabis Legalization Does Not Depend On The Presidential Election


It would appear that changing over the Senate is even more important than who is President on this particular issue.
Many in the cannabis industry have, understandably, backed Joe Biden and Kamala Harris for President and VP, presumably for a variety of reasons which include a belief that they are more likely to support legalizing cannabis at the federal level. Many are not as aware that President Donald Trump has stated that he is, in his words, “100%” in favor of legalizing medical marijuana, and that he believes recreational or adult use should be decided by the states, although early in his 2016 campaign he said he opposed legalizing adult use.
The truth is, as many have discovered, the Biden campaign has almost the same view as Mr. Trump. The former VP will support the legalization of cannabis for medical purposes, leave decisions regarding legalization for recreational use up to the states, and reschedule cannabis as a Schedule II drug. If Trump supports legalization essentially in this manner, then why has it not been enacted since his inauguration? There are primarily three barriers to this, and their names are Republican Sens. Mitch McConnell, Mike Crapo and Lindsey Graham. But let’s step back.



In January 2018, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions rescinded the Obama-era Cole Memo in the Justice Department which deemphasized federal prosecution of state legal cannabis enterprises. In response to this, Sen. Cory Gardner (R-CO) told the President he would hold up all his judicial nominees until he addressed the issue. A few months later he was able to talk to Trump, who assured him that if a bill came to his desk legalizing medical marijuana and leaving adult use to the states, he would sign it. Gardner then backed off his resistance to Trump’s judges.
Shortly thereafter, Gardner, along with Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA), introduced the Strengthening the Tenth Amendment Through Entrusting States (STATES) Act, then reintroduced it a year later. A companion bill was also introduced in the House. The bill would take the steps Trump said he would accept in legalizing medical marijuana and allowing states to legalize adult use.
In December 2018, in part to assist his beleaguered Kentucky farmers, McConnell supported and completed the passage into law of the Agriculture Improvement Act of 2018 (also known as the Farm Bill). That bill federally legalized industrial hemp and CBD derived from it.
In the meantime, the STATES Act remains one of dozens of other bills currently pending in Congress to either legalize, deschedule or decriminalize cannabis or enhance banking access for those in the industry. Although a strong majority of Americans in both parties favor legalization, and many Republican legislators hail from states where significant tax revenues and jobs have resulted from state legalization, none of these bills has passed to date. And the most recent pandemic relief bill passed by the House includes help for cannabis companies for banking. This has been roundly criticized by Senate Republicans, who like saying the bill mentions cannabis more than jobs.
Divided Government Is The Reason Marijuana Isn’t Getting A Fair Shake

The primary impediment on the STATES Act and other bills: our threesome of GOP Senators mentioned above. In November 2019, the House Judiciary Committee passed a legalization bill, after which Senate Majority Leader McConnell did meet with cannabis executives in California, pre-pandemic. As he was pursuing the Farm Bill in 2018, however, he made clear he does not wish to legalize marijuana. Regarding hemp, he said in May 2018, “It is a different plant. It has an illicit cousin which I choose not to embrace.”
Lindsey Graham (R-SC) runs the powerful Rules Committee through which all legislation must pass. Graham has supported certain pro-cannabis bills such as the CARERS Act in 2016, which would have prohibited federal enforcement against state-legal cannabis and reschedule it. But the tobacco-state Senator has also been clear in his stance against legalization or descheduling. Graham has a surprisingly strong Democrat opponent to his reelection in November in Jaime Harrison, who is a major supporter of cannabis legalization. This does not appear to have shaken Graham’s views.
Less critical but still important is Mike Crapo (R-Idaho), leader of the Senate Banking Committee. He could have been crucial in passing some banking relief, such as the SAFE Banking Act which has passed the House. In December 2019 he made clear he had major issues with the bill the House passed, though he is not opposed to some form of banking legislation. He also has been clear in his opposition to cannabis legalization.
Where does this leave us? If, as some are predicting, the Democrats retake control of the Senate next January and retain their majority in the House, I believe the likelihood of passage of something like the STATES Act increases dramatically. And if Trump is reelected? Based on his past views it does not appear he would oppose signing such a bill. And if Biden is elected, presumably the same result. In fact, it would appear that changing over the Senate is even more important than who is President on this particular issue.
 
"Harris has evolved significantly on cannabis policy over her career."

The word "evolved" wrt to a politician's position on a subject, any politician, my immediate thought is that they read a poll and decided to pivot for political ambition purposes.

They blow with the wind....all of them.

“The difference between a politician and a statesman is that a politician thinks about the next election while the statesman think about the next generation.”​
― James Freeman Clarke​

The world is weary of statesmen whom democracy has degraded into politicians.​
- Benjamin Disraeli​




Forecasting the Kamala Harris Effect on Cannabis


Cannabis industry members, as well as growers considering cannabis production, potentially stand to benefit from former Vice President and presumptive Democratic Presidential candidate Joe Biden’s selection of Sen. Kamala Harris as his running mate for the 2020 election.



According to an article by Kyle Jaeger on MarijuanaMoment.com, Harris has evolved significantly on cannabis policy over her career. Though she coauthored an official voter guide argument opposing a California cannabis legalization measure as a prosecutor in 2010, she went on to sponsor legislation to federally deschedule marijuana in 2019.
It remains to be seen whether she will push Biden in the same direction, as the former VP has maintained opposition to ending marijuana prohibition despite supermajority support among Democrats.
While Harris, a former Attorney General of California, made cannabis reform a major component of her criminal justice platform when she unsuccessfully ran in the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, she’s been less vocal about the issue since dropping out in December 2019.
Convincing Biden to come around seems like a steep task in any case, Jaeger writes.
“Some advocates suspect that the Democratic National Committee’s platform committee voted against an amendment to add legalization as a 2020 party plank specifically because it’s at odds with the presumptive nominee’s agenda. Biden has drawn the line at decriminalizing marijuana possession, expunging past convictions, modest federal rescheduling, medical cannabis legalization, and letting states set their own policies.”
But it remains the case, Jaeger writes, that Harris is the chief Senate sponsor of the Marijuana Opportunity, Reinvestment and Expungement (MORE) Act, a comprehensive piece of legalization legislation that includes various social equity and restorative justice provisions. Advocates will be watching to see if she continues to advocate for the reform move as she’s on-boarded to the Biden campaign.
How do you think adding Kamala Harris to the ticket might affect the future of cannabis legalization. You can weigh in at Greenhouse Grower Community.
 
"Harris has evolved significantly on cannabis policy over her career."

The word "evolved" wrt to a politician's position on a subject, any politician, my immediate thought is that they read a poll and decided to pivot for political ambition purposes.

They blow with the wind....all of them.

“The difference between a politician and a statesman is that a politician thinks about the next election while the statesman think about the next generation.”​
― James Freeman Clarke​

The world is weary of statesmen whom democracy has degraded into politicians.​
- Benjamin Disraeli​




Forecasting the Kamala Harris Effect on Cannabis


Cannabis industry members, as well as growers considering cannabis production, potentially stand to benefit from former Vice President and presumptive Democratic Presidential candidate Joe Biden’s selection of Sen. Kamala Harris as his running mate for the 2020 election.



According to an article by Kyle Jaeger on MarijuanaMoment.com, Harris has evolved significantly on cannabis policy over her career. Though she coauthored an official voter guide argument opposing a California cannabis legalization measure as a prosecutor in 2010, she went on to sponsor legislation to federally deschedule marijuana in 2019.
It remains to be seen whether she will push Biden in the same direction, as the former VP has maintained opposition to ending marijuana prohibition despite supermajority support among Democrats.
While Harris, a former Attorney General of California, made cannabis reform a major component of her criminal justice platform when she unsuccessfully ran in the 2020 Democratic presidential primary, she’s been less vocal about the issue since dropping out in December 2019.
Convincing Biden to come around seems like a steep task in any case, Jaeger writes.
“Some advocates suspect that the Democratic National Committee’s platform committee voted against an amendment to add legalization as a 2020 party plank specifically because it’s at odds with the presumptive nominee’s agenda. Biden has drawn the line at decriminalizing marijuana possession, expunging past convictions, modest federal rescheduling, medical cannabis legalization, and letting states set their own policies.”
But it remains the case, Jaeger writes, that Harris is the chief Senate sponsor of the Marijuana Opportunity, Reinvestment and Expungement (MORE) Act, a comprehensive piece of legalization legislation that includes various social equity and restorative justice provisions. Advocates will be watching to see if she continues to advocate for the reform move as she’s on-boarded to the Biden campaign.
How do you think adding Kamala Harris to the ticket might affect the future of cannabis legalization. You can weigh in at Greenhouse Grower Community.
I don't trust either party. They are too chicken shit to take a stance. Why is legalization not part of the Democratic platform ? Why doesn't Trump reschedule cannabis ? Politics is a sleazy game. Both parties play it . Up until a few years ago they wanted to jail us "dopers", now they want your vote. But they won't put legalization on their platforms ? or at least reschedule federally ? The voters will ultimately be the ones to legalize weed. Not any politician trying to keep their jobs. JAJAJA
 
From Marijuana Moment - FYI
President Trump voiced concern that putting marijuana on the ballot makes Republicans lose, saying that Scott Walker would still be Wisconsin’s governor if not for 2018 cannabis initiatives in that state.

  • “The next time you run please don’t put marijuana on the ballot at the same time you’re running. You brought out like a million people that nobody ever knew were coming out.”
Medical marijuana patients are asking the U.S. Supreme Court to take up a case that could force the Drug Enforcement Administration to reclassify cannabis under federal law.
 
Hemp Flower Bans Threaten Commerce In Indiana And Texas

Despite hemp being legal across the country, bans on smokeable flower are threatening farmers.

With the legalization of hemp at the federal level with the passage of the 2018 Farm Bill, it wasn’t long before a new industry based on the increasing popularity of cannabidiol began to take root across the country. But the growth of that industry is at risk in Indiana and Texas, where bans on hemp flower threaten the livelihoods of farmers and small business owners alike.

Under the Farm Bill, states were authorized to enact regulatory plans governing hemp agriculture and commerce. Lawmakers in some states, prodded by the law enforcement community, decided to prohibit possession and commerce of smokable hemp flower. Police and prosecutors argued that the lack of an easy way to differentiate hemp flower from other forms of cannabis would make laws against marijuana unenforceable.

Indiana Ban Now In Effect
In Indiana, a ban on smokable hemp flower included in its regulations was challenged in court, and in September 2019 a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction putting that part of the state’s regulations on hold. But in July, the Seventh Circuit of the U.S. Court of Appeals reversed the injunction. With that ruling, Indiana’s ban went into effect on Thursday, making possession and delivery of smokable hemp a misdemeanor offense.


“We are pleased that the appeals court upheld Indiana’s criminal prohibition on the manufacture and possession of smokable hemp,” Indiana Attorney General Curtis Hill said in a release after the court’s decision. “The court has rightly recognized Indiana’s authority to enforce this law.”

Justin Swanson, the president of the Midwest Hemp Council, filed the suit against the state on behalf of the trade group. He told High Times in a telephone interview that with the ban now in effect, many in Indiana’s nascent hemp industry are stuck with product that is now illegal to sell.

“The seventh circuit [decision] was a mixed bag for the plaintiffs,” he said. “It did reaffirm the fact that the state doesn’t have the authority to interfere with interstate transportation of hemp and hemp products, which is a win for out-of-state companies and farmers shipping through Indiana. But it does nothing to help the farmers here and the small businesses in Indiana.”

Luke Meyers, the director of sales for Agrozen Life Sciences and Urban Daze Hemp, a supplier of agricultural goods and services for the industry, said that he is disappointed by the decision.

“It is very sad to see a state that is known for its agriculture fighting so hard against a crop that is federally legal,” Meyers wrote in an email. “On top of that, by doing so, the state is saying they are okay with not allowing something that could potentially bring thousands of jobs and opportunities to Indiana, at a time when the entire country needs them the most.”

Ban Now In Force In Texas
In Texas, the state health department issued a ban on smokable hemp that went into effect last week. Sam Alvez, the manager of the 7th Heaven Smoke Shop in Killeen, Texas, told local media that his clientele uses hemp flower therapeutically.

“Our customers always tell us how much CBD changes their lives,” Alvez said. “They sleep better, their knees don’t hurt — they’re taking medicine away, that’s what they’re doing.”

With the ban, he added, a hefty portion of his revenue has been put in jeopardy.

“This is likely to cut our business by 50% maybe — we’re looking at a good 50%. I personally don’t think they know what they’re doing,” referring to Texas lawmakers. “They legalized it, but now they’re taking it back. I don’t understand that part of it.”

In Indiana, Swanson of the Midwest Hemp Council said that he believes the legislature should change the law that will likely clog courts with hemp flower possession cases. He also believes that the will is there. It just needs to be acted on.

“I think there’s a lot of appetite to find a fix for it once and for all,” he said. “This has been dragging out in the courts for over a year and a half and ultimately, we need to identify leaders in the statehouse who are willing to stick up for farmers in Indiana.”
 
Democrats Keep Cannabis Legalization Out of 2020 Platform


Joe Biden’s hoped-for change of heart on marijuana legalization may eventually come, but don’t expect it anytime soon. The presumptive Democratic nominee won’t have to deal with the issue in this election, as Democratic leaders decided not to make it part of the party platform.
That decision came in the form of a 106-60 vote in July by Democratic National Committee delegates that rejected an amendment to the party platform calling for cannabis legalization. The draft platform, which can be read online, now supports decriminalization, much as Biden has during the campaign.
As for legalization, the draft platform leaves it up to states “to make their own decisions about recreational use.” All 4,000 members of the Democratic National Committee must now vote on the platform ahead of the August party convention.



It’s worth noting that most of the other Democrats who ran for the presidential nomination supported legalization at the federal level. Sen. Bernie Sanders, who got the second-most votes in the primary, had vowed to legalize marijuana by executive order in this first 100 days in office.
The rejection of legalization came as a blow to progressives.
The platform, put together by a party committee, took much of its points from a group made up of members picked by Vice President Biden and Sen. Bernie Sanders, the progressive candidate who finished second to Biden in the primaries.
Biden and Sanders intended for the committee to show a united front in a party split along ideological lines that, in general, fall between progressives on the left and centrists. Biden has fallen squarely into the latter camp when it comes to his views on cannabis.
Biden’s official position on cannabis is that he wants it decriminalized, something that most states have already done. He has said it “makes no sense” for people to go to jail for possessing marijuana. He also has called for more research into cannabis to determine its health impacts.
Here’s what the Democratic platform now says about cannabis.
As of the end of July, the Democratic platform states that the party believes “substance use disorders are diseases, not crimes” and that “no one should be in prison solely because they use drugs.”
It then continues: “We will support the legalization of medical marijuana, and believe states should be able to make their own decisions about recreational use.”
In wording that will perhaps alleviate concerns among cannabis business owners, the platform also makes it clear that the federal government should not take action that impedes states from setting up a legal marijuana system.
“The Justice Department should not launch federal prosecutions of conduct that is legal at the state level,” the platform states. “All past criminal convictions for cannabis use should be automatically expunged. And rather than involving the criminal justice system, Democrats support increased use of drug courts, harm reduction interventions, and treatment diversion programs for those struggling with substance use disorders.”
In another issue that is related to cannabis in terms of the split between progressives and moderates, the platform also does not call for the Medicare for All system advocated by Sanders and other candidates.
 
Joe Biden’s Drug War Record Is So Much Worse Than You Think
David BienenstockFebruary 26, 2019

Biden built up an image as everybody's loveable uncle during the Obama years. But his drug war record is disastrous, and he's one of the few holdouts against legalization. (josefkubes/iStock, (AP Photo/Rick Bowmer)

Former Vice President Joe Biden has begun tip-toeing towards throwing his hat in the ring as a candidate in the 2020 Democratic Presidential Primary.
Few politicians have done more harm in America’s war on drugs than the former senator from Delaware.
Political watchers are expecting him to formally announce any day now. But Biden, who carefully cultivated a genial “Uncle Joe” image during his eight years as Obama’s veep, knows he’s got a history that could drag him down. Few politicians have done more harm in America’s war on drugs than the former senator from Delaware.
Just last month, on Martin Luther King Jr. Day, he addressed a room full of civil rights activists on the subject of criminal justice, hoping to shore up support.
“I haven’t always been right,” Biden told the National Action Network, “but I’ve always tried.”
Try telling that to the millions of people and entire communities who’ve had their lives torn apart by laws championed by kindly old Uncle Joe. From green lighting civil asset forfeiture to incentivizing mass incarceration to cheerleading mandatory minimums and the militarization of the police, Joe Biden has been a driving force behind America’s disastrous approach to drug policy.
Original Drug War Architect
Many of the original architects of America’s drug war have retired or passed away. Biden remains one of the few still in power—and may soon reach for more.
His influence over drug policy and mass incarceration began in the 1980s, when, as a senator from Delaware, he served as chair of the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee.
Policies Biden personally put into place greatly expanded a racist, ineffective, costly, unjust and oppressive quagmire that was already an obvious failure when he first entered government service nearly 50 years ago. That same self-destructive drug war rages on today—in America and around the world.

America Changed, Biden Didn’t
Meanwhile, Biden remains one of very few prominent Democrats who’ve still failed to endorse cannabis legalization at the federal level. A policy that’s currently supported by 62% of Americans—including 45% of Republicans—and is already the law of the land in ten states remains too radical for him to sign off on.
Biden remains one of few prominent Democrats who’ve still failed to endorse cannabis legalization at the federal level.
At the very least, Biden seems to be aware of the fact that the times and public opinion are changing around him. He was plenty outspoken about drug policy in the 1980s, but has run silent on the issue for nearly a decade. The last time he substantively addressed legalization appears to be 2010, in an ABC News interview:
“There’s a difference between sending someone to jail for a few ounces and legalizing it,” he said. “The punishment should fit the crime. But I think legalization is a mistake. I still believe [marijuana] is a gateway drug.”
Well, Joe, it’s a free country—believe anything you want. But the gateway theory has long been thoroughly debunked. Even D.A.R.E. no longer promotes that old canard.

Biden: ‘Let’s Have a Drug Czar’
Let’s circle back to Biden’s humblebrag: that he hasn’t “always been right” when it comes to criminal justice.
When pressed for specifics, he says that after pushing for vastly harsher punishments for crack than for powder cocaine, he “spent years” working to undo his own racist fuckup. But in terms of accountability, that’s basically the end of it. Biden has never truly come to terms with the scope of the damage he’s done.
Plenty of politicians from both parties supported the drug war. Only Biden went further and cooked up the idea of a Drug Czar.
A lot of politicians from both parties vocally supported the war on drugs back in the days of “Just Say No.” But it was Joe Biden who pretty much singlehandedly dreamed up the idea of a cabinet level “Drug Czar”—a term he coined in a 1982 interview with the New York Times. Seven years later, after working in tandem with the Reagan administration, he saw that dream come to life when the White House created the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP).
Charged with formulating and administrating America’s drug prohibition game plan, the ONDCP almost immediately began agitating for a massive expansion of interdiction, enforcement, and incarceration efforts. A 1989 report to Congress put it in dollar figures:
No attempt should be made to disguise the fact that significant new resources will be required to pay for the many proposals advanced in this report… Last February, this Administration requested nearly $717 million in new drug budget authority for Fiscal Year 1990. Now, after six months of careful study, we have identified an immediate need for $1.478 billion more. With this report, the Administration is requesting FY 1990 drug budget authority totaling $7.864 billion—the largest single-year dollar increase in history.

Doubling Down on Propaganda
In 1996, when the ONDCP came up for reauthorization, Biden voted in the senate for a bill that basically required the Drug Czar to spearhead a massive propaganda campaign directed at the American people.
“The Director shall ensure that no Federal funds appropriated to the Office of National Drug Control Policy shall be expended for any study or contract relating to the legalization (for a medical use or any other use) of a substance listed in schedule I of section 202 of the Controlled Substances Act (21 U.S.C. 812) and take such actions as necessary to oppose any attempt to legalize the use of [such] a substance (in any form).”
Which basically boils down to: No matter how much evidence comes to light showing cannabis is a safe and effective medicine, the Drug Czar is required, by law, to lie about it. No matter how much evidence piles up showing that the benefits of legalization far outweigh any potential harms, the Drug Czar is required by law to lie about it. Which they have all done.
The lying continues today. Under Donald Trump, the ONDCP supports the work of a secretive White House anti-cannabis committee whose membership list reads like a murderer’s row of discredited drug warriors.
A Disparity of 100:1
Should Biden decide to jump into the race for the Presidency, he’ll have to either make a late conversion to cannabis legalization or explain why not. Either way, it’s not a good look. He’s also open to charges that his signature piece of legislation in the US Senate—the 1994 Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act—played a key role in supercharging the for-profit prison industry and turning the United States into the nation with the world’s highest incarceration rate.
That same law spurred a ramping up of aggressive policing in poor and minority neighborhoods, while establishing a weight disparity for crack to powder cocaine at 100:1 (for the purposes of federal sentencing guidelines). Distribution of five grams of crack triggered a five-year mandatory minimum, as opposed to 500 grams of powder. Predictably, this meant the law vastly disproportionately targeted people of color and other at-risk communities.
According to a 2006 report from the American Civil Liberties Union, Cracks in the System: Twenty Years of the Unjust Federal Crack Cocaine Law:
In 1986, before the enactment of federal mandatory minimum sentencing for crack cocaine offenses, the average federal drug sentence for African Americans was 11% higher than for whites. Four years later, the average federal drug sentence for African Americans was 49% higher. The effects of mandatory minimums not only contribute to these disproportionately high incarceration rates, but also separate fathers from families, separate mothers with sentences for minor possession crimes from their children, create massive disfranchisement of those with felony convictions, and prohibit previously incarcerated people from receiving some social services for the betterment of their families.
Golf Clap for ‘Reform’
That all sounds pretty terrible. But keep in mind, while Biden may not have always been right, he was always trying. And this is the one fuckup he reversed, right? In 2010 the Fair Sentencing Act—signed by President Obama while Biden served as his Vice President—reduced the disparity between crack and powder cocaine all the way down to 18:1—though not retroactively.
The Sins of the Father
With a crowded field of Democrats already in the race, cannabis policy and criminal justice reform could emerge as a major wedge issue during a hotly contested primary season. So far, every declared Democratic candidate fully supports federal cannabis legalization. Some, like New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker, have been early sponsors of bills to do just that. So why should you vote for a guy who still thinks peaceful adults should get busted for weed?
Especially when the same rules don’t seem to apply to his own children.
In September 1998, Biden’s daughter Ashley was arrested for cannabis possession in Louisiana—a state notorious for giving decade-long sentences for miniscule amounts of marijuana. But there’s no record of a conviction in Ashley Biden’s case.

In 2014, Biden’s son Hunter tested positive for cocaine on a drug test and was discharged from the Navy just a month after reporting for duty. No criminal charges were filed.
There’s zero evidence either of them received any special treatment because of their father’s position as a powerful politician, though it’s certainly possible. What doesn’t seem possible is that Joe Biden would support one of his own children spending years behind bars for possession of a personal amount of drugs—not now, and not back in 1994 when he championed the crime bill.
I can’t even imagine the person who would want that for their own children. So how can you want it for someone else’s?
 
Federal Court Denies DEA Request To Dismiss Marijuana Rescheduling Case

A federal appeals court has denied a request from the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) to dismiss a lawsuit challenging marijuana’s current classification under federal law.

Scientists and veterans sued the federal agency in May, arguing that the legal basis DEA has used to justify keeping cannabis in Schedule I of the Controlled Substances Act is unconstitutional. They asked for a review of its decisions to reject rescheduling petitions in 2020, 2016 and 1992.

While DEA attempted to quash the suit by asking the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit to dismiss the case, the judges said in a filing on Tuesday that the “government’s motion to dismiss this petition for review for failure to exhaust administrative remedies is denied without prejudice to renewing the arguments in the answering brief.”

Shane Pennington, an attorney representing the Scottsdale Research Institute (SRI) in the case, told Marijuana Moment that, given the court’s response, “we fully expect a 9th Circuit panel to consider our arguments on the merits.”

Petitioners have raised questions about DEA’s reliance on scheduling standards that they feel are arbitrary and misinterpret federal law. In particular, they are seeking reviews of the agency’s claims that marijuana must be strictly scheduled because, the government has claimed, it has no currently accepted medical value and has not been proven to be safe.

They also argue that another statutory policy DEA says necessitates marijuana being strictly controlled is unconstitutional.

In its past denials of rescheduling petitions, the agency has asserted that marijuana can only be placed in either Schedule I or II. But the plaintiffs said in an earlier filing that the statute justifying that determination is “an unconstitutional delegation of legislative authority” that “violates core separation of powers principles” by granting the attorney general authority to schedule drugs on his or her discretion based on an interpretation of international treaty obligations.

This isn’t the first time that SRI has taken the feds to court over their marijuana decisions.

The institute, which is among several dozen applicants to become a federally authorized manufacturer of cannabis for research purposes, successfully forced DEA to issue an update on the status of their application processing and then got the Justice Department to hand over a “secret” memo that DEA allegedly used to justify a delay in deciding on those proposals.

A bipartisan group of lawmakers sent a letter to DEA on Tuesday, demanding that the agency “expeditiously” finalize rules to license more marijuana growers for research purposes.

In a separate lawsuit against DEA, medical cannabis patients challenging the federal prohibition of marijuana are asking the U.S. Supreme Court to take their case after a series of rulings in lower courts since the original lawsuit was filed in 2017.

To read the federal appeals court’s denial of DEA motion to dismiss the marijuana case, follow title link and scroll to the bottom of the article.
 
USDA Asks Six States To Resubmit Hemp Regulatory Plans With Federal Edits In Mind

Six states that submitted hemp regulatory plans to the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) are being asked to make revisions and resubmit before they’re approved.

For reasons that aren’t immediately clear, the federal agency did not accept proposed rules for the newly legal crop from California, Colorado, Illinois, Missouri, Oklahoma and Utah. Industry advocates suspect that the states are pushing for additional flexibility in USDA’s interim final rule.

“As we have done from day one, [Colorado Department of Agriculture] is working through the state plan submission and approval process in a careful and comprehensive manner to best serve the needs of Colorado,” Colorado Commissioner of Agriculture Kate Greenberg said in a press release on Tuesday.

“Given the many changes at the federal level, we are working hard to create a stable and sound regulatory environment so that Colorado’s hemp industry can continue to lead the nation,” she said.

Westword reported that Colorado regulators included certain provisions in their proposal that are at odds with USDA’s requirements. For example, they wanted hemp to be tested at independent facilities, whereas USDA’s rules mandate that the crop be tested only at labs certified by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA).

Arizona was previously listed as a state pending resubmission of their plan, but that has since been updated to say “under review,” indicating that regulators made edits and sent a revised proposal back to the agency.

USDA approved hemp regulatory plans for Maryland and the Lower Sioux Indian Communityearlier this month, bringing the total number of approved plans across states, territories and tribes to 55.

The DEA requirement is one of several components of the agency’s interim final rule that industry stakeholders, advocates and lawmakers are pushing back against. They also want more leniency when it comes to THC testing thresholds and hemp disposal policies.

Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) said in a letter to Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue earlier this month that hemp farmers should be able to continue to operate under a regulatory pilot program established under the more flexible 2014 Farm Bill so that the department can hear more feedback and make adjustments to rules for the broader legalization program under the 2018 Farm Bill, which he wants delayed until 2022.

State agriculture departments and a major hemp industry group made a similar request to both Congress and USDA last week.

“Given many of the burdensome regulatory requirements in the Interim Final Rule, we applaud states Iike California who are trying to develop plans with maximum flexibility for farmers on issues such as testing, sampling and disposal,” Jonathan Miller, general counsel for the U.S. Hemp Roundtable, told Marijuana Moment.

“Ultimately the industry is united in urging for an extension of the ability of states to operate under the 2014 Farm Bill which will enable farmers to grow the crop during these difficult economic times,” he said.

Two senators representing Oregon recently expressed concerns with the secretary that USDA appears positioned to reinstate two particular provisions of its interim final rule that stakeholders view as especially problematic.
 
Canada accused of cannabis ‘protectionism’ by blocking imports – even as exports soar
Published 17 hours ago | By Matt Lamers

import-permit-canada-768x346.jpg

This is a permit to import cannabis into Canada. The document – redacted to protect the name of the Canadian company – stipulates that the cannabis “cannot be sold to provinces, territories or to medical clients.”


The Canadian government is being accused of insulating domestic cannabis producers against foreign competition by not allowing imports of medical marijuana.

And at least one foreign government plans to make a formal appeal to federal officials in Ottawa, Marijuana Business Daily has learned.

Canada has the most developed, and largest, medical cannabis market in the world – one that’s prized by international producers.

But industry sources say Health Canada, the government body tasked with regulating imports and exports of cannabis, has not allowed commercial medical cannabis into the country, often with little or no explanation.

That has set the stage for unfair competition, some executives and government sources say, while at the same time depriving Canadian patients of lower-cost medical cannabis alternatives.

Shane Morris of Ottawa-based Morris and Associates Consulting said federal law and regulations allow for medical cannabis imports, but in practice, he is not aware of any commercial imports having taken place.

“From a regulatory perspective, there’s nothing I can see that would prevent those imports on a commercial basis,” Morris, a former Aurora Cannabis executive, told MJBizDaily.

“Health Canada has to consider a whole range of elements on each particular import,” he said, including health and safety aspects, a security perspective and maintaining the same level of scrutiny faced by Canadian products.

He added: “I wouldn’t be surprised if protectionism was a possible element, considering that it’s a very young, new industry.”

A Health Canada bulletin released in summer 2019 outlines the “limited circumstances” under which the agency would consider the import or export of cannabis.

According to the bulletin, “the import and export of cannabis may only be authorized for medical and scientific purposes and within the parameters set by the international drug conventions.”

International shipments of high-THC cannabis for nonmedical purposes are prohibited.

The bulletin does not set out any conditions for the importation of medical cannabis for sale to Canadian patients, but it does state that only “small quantities” of cannabis will be allowed to be imported for scientific purposes.

Health Canada did not answer MJBizDaily‘s questions about commercial imports.

Record exports

Canadian exports of cannabis oil products and dried marijuana for medical and scientific use have soared. (See chart below.)

In 2019, more than 5,000 liters (1,321 gallons) of cannabis oil products were exported for medical (commercial) and scientific use to 17 countries. Most of that went to Australia.

Roughly 3,740 kilograms (8,245 pounds) of dried cannabis for medical and scientific use was shipped overseas in 2019. A little more than 94% of that went to Germany.

One of the biggest issues facing medical cannabis exporters, including those from Canada, is a limited number of overseas markets.

The list of countries wanting to export commercial medical cannabis is growing by the month, but the number of nations importing meaningful quantities is limited to a handful that includes Australia, Brazil, Germany and, only recently, Israel.

That makes the Canadian market all the more appealing to regulated cannabis producers who have their sights set overseas.

But Canada imported virtually no cannabis for medical or scientific use between October 2018 and March 2019 – the latest period for which data is available.

Industry sources say it is unlikely any commercial imports have occurred since then.

Canada-exports-dried-medical-cannabis-v2-768x512.png

Exports from Canada of cannabis for medical and scientific use have soared in recent years, but the country evidently does not allow the importation of commercial volumes.

Jamaica to appeal

Jamaica is one of the countries hoping to capitalize on exports of medical marijuana.

But industry and government sources there say the Canadian government is standing in the way.

“It appears manifestly clear that the refusal of the Canadian government to allow the importation of commercial quantities of marijuana from Jamaica is putting the investment of several Canadian investors in Jamaica at risk,” Audley Shaw, Jamaica’s minister of Industry, Commerce, Agriculture and Fisheries, said in a statement to MJBizDaily.

“In fact, several Canadian investors have already closed down their operations in Jamaica because of this.”

Shaw said Jamaica will make a formal appeal to the Canadian government “for this unfortunate position to be reviewed.”

Jacana, a leading company in the Caribbean medical cannabis industry, has tried but failed to ship its products to a Canadian licensed producer for sale to patients.

“We have worked with several Canadian LPs who have attempted to get an import permit from Health Canada, and in each instance, there has been no clear guidance as to why it is not possible,” Jacana CEO Alexandra Chong told Marijuana Business Daily.

Chong could not identify the companies because of nondisclosure agreements.

“In the continued absence of guidance from Health Canada,” she said, “one can only assume that there is an element of protectionism at play regarding medical cannabis importation.”

Chong said the import situation in Canada “will no doubt soon be challenged by other countries as the industry matures.”

Jacana endured a 13-month process that started in January 2019 and ended in February 2020.

When an import permit was eventually approved by Health Canada, the conditions for importing 10 kilograms of dried cannabis stated:

  • It “cannot be sold to provinces, territories or to medical clients.”
  • It “cannot be exported out of Canada.”
Colombia, Australia concerns

As Colombia and Australia become target markets for Canadian producers, licensed companies there have noted their inability to access the Canadian market.

Some executives requested anonymity to avoid jeopardizing ongoing talks with the Canadian regulator.

A multinational company with production assets in Colombia said Canada’s evident decision to block imports affects patients the most, “and it is Health Canada’s role to care about these patients.”

“They’re not respecting international trade obligations. You can’t allow exports but not imports,” the industry source said.

“This is something that’s very specific and targeted to the needs of Canadian patients in Canada. This is not a floodgates issue. This is about products that our partners are telling us patients need, and they’re not here.

“They’re pharma-grade and more affordable than what is available currently in Canada, and there’s no reason they cannot be let in.”

Fleta Solomon, CEO of Little Green Pharma, said the Australian producer has been waiting about two years for an import permit to do business with a Canadian company.

“A number of months ago after hearing nothing, our Canadian partner agreed that it was likely Health Canada has decided not to allow import for commercial use as there is too much product in the country,” she told Marijuana Business Daily. “We’ve stopped following up and have moved on to other jurisdictions.”

“Patients deserve the right to access quality pharmaceutical-grade medicines that have undergone rigorous testing just like all other prescribed medicines.”

‘No-brainer’

George Smitherman, CEO of the Cannabis Council of Canada – an industry body based in Ottawa representing regulated marijuana producers – brushed aside concerns Canada was using non-tariff trade barriers to protect domestic cannabis producers.

“I would be in favor of initiatives that preserve this market for invested Canadian players,” he told MJBizDaily.

Federally licensed producers in Canada are stockpiling more cannabis than ever, but companies that want to ship to Canada say they can deliver certain medical products more consistently – and at a lower cost.

Still, Smitherman said it’s “very common” for markets to enjoy domestic protections, particularly for value-added agricultural products.

“If there’s one thing Canada is not lacking, it’s regulatory and cultivation expertise to deliver medicinal cannabis to our patients.

“I think it’s a no-brainer to say that’s not something we need to be importing, and it should be no surprise that we’re exporting it, because we’re the leading nation with tremendous expertise in the cultivation and production of medicinal cannabis.”

Matt Lamers is Marijuana Business Daily’s international editor, based near Toronto. He can be reached at mattl@mjbizdaily.com.
 



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  • Study: After-Hours Marijuana Use Doesn’t Negatively Impact Job Performance
  • BY NORML

  • POSTED ON AUGUST 20, 2020
San Diego, CA: Cannabis consumption while away from the job is not associated with any lingering adverse effects on workplace performance, according to data published in the journal Group & Organization Management.
A pair of researchers from San Diego State University in California and Auburn University in Alabama compiled data from 281 employees and their direct supervisors on the topic of marijuana use and job performance. Authors reported that an employee’s cannabis use either immediately before or during work hours was associated with “counterproductive work behaviors,” whereas “after-work cannabis use was not related (positively or negatively) to any form of performance as rated by the user’s direct supervisor.”

Authors concluded, “[C]ontrary to commonly held assumptions, not all forms of cannabis use harmed performance. In fact, after-work cannabis use did not relate to any of the workplace performance dimensions. This finding casts doubt on some stereotypes of cannabis users and suggests a need for further methodological and theoretical development in the field of substance use.”
Commenting on the study’s findings, NORML’s Deputy Director Paul Armentano said: “Suspicionless marijuana testing never has been an evidence-based policy. Rather, these discriminatory practices are a holdover from the zeitgeist of the 1980s ‘war on drugs.’ But times have changed; attitudes have changed, and in many places, the marijuana laws have changed. It is time for workplace policies to adapt to this new reality.”

The study’s authors acknowledged that despite the widespread implementation of workplace drug screening programs, “there is virtually no empirical research exploring cannabis use in relation to the modern workplace.”
The study’s findings are similar to those of a recent literature review published in the journal Substance Use and Misuse which concluded, “[T]he current body of evidence does not provide sufficient evidence to support the position that cannabis users are at increased risk of occupational injury.” A prior literature review, published in 2017 by the US National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, also concluded, “There is no or insufficient evidence to support … a statistical association between cannabis use and … occupational accidents or injuries.”

In recent months, lawmakers in several municipalities – including New York City, Richmond, Virginia, and Washington, DC – have enacted legislation limiting the use of marijuana-specific pre-employment drug screening.
Both Maine and Nevada have enacted state-specific legislation barring certain employers from refusing to hire a worker solely because he or she tested positive for cannabis on a pre-employment drug screen.
 
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DEA JUST DROPPED A BOMB ON THE HEMP INDUSTRY. PART 1: HEMP EXTRACT

Editor’s Note: This article is the first of two companion articles about the interim final rule issued by the DEA. It addresses the issue of hemp extract. The second article addresses delta-8 THC. You can read it by clicking here.

In a long-anticipated action, the US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) issued an interim final rule (IFR) today on the implementation of the hemp provisions of the Agricultural Improvement Act of 2018 (Farm Bill) as it relates to marijuana and tetrahydrocannabinols (THC) under the Controlled Substances Act (CSA). You can read the IFR by clicking here.

As I will discuss, the IFR threatens to destroy the hemp/CBD industry. Fortunately, it is not set in stone. You can submit comments on it through October 20, 2020 by clicking here and following the online instructions at that site for submitting comments. To ensure proper handling of comments, you should reference “RIN 1117- AB53/ Docket No. DEA-500” on all correspondence.

I. INTRODUCTION

As most readers of this blog know, the DEA is the US federal agency charged with enforcing the CSA. Far from being even-handed, the DEA is the primary player and policy shaper in the notorious and failed “War on Drugs”, particularly with respect to cannabis. It has aggressively and persistently asserted itself into the hemp industry, despite the Farm Bill’s express removal of hemp, a lawful form of cannabis, from the CSA. The issuance of today’s IFR, which will be published in the Federal Register tomorrow (August 21, 2020) and is effective immediately, continues the DEA’s pattern of unwanted and aggressive interference with a lawful industry.

The IFR starts off by deceptively downplaying its intent: “This interim final rule merely conforms DEA’s regulations to the statutory amendments to the CSA that have already taken effect, and it does not add additional requirements to the regulations.” In fact, a careful reading of the IFR reveals its intent to be much different. It is not an overstatement to assert that adoption and enforcement of the IFR will severely disrupt, and potentially destroy, the hemp industry.

In this article, I discuss what could potentially be a fatal blow to the entire hemp/CBD industry, namely, the IFR’s criminalization of work in progress hemp extract, a fundamental component of any consumer hemp/CBD product.

II. WORK IN PROGRESS HEMP EXTRACT- A NECESSARY COMPONENT OF HEMP AND CBD PRODUCTS IS DEEMED TO BE ILLEGAL

This article is about the legal status of work in progress hemp extract (WIPHE) that contains delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) concentrations in excess of three tenths of one percent (0.3%). For purposes of this article WIPHE means extract of hemp in a partially processed state that is not intended for consumer use or consumption. The IFR has deemed WIPHE to be an illegal schedule 1 controlled substance (the most restrictive) under the CSA:

[T]he definition of hemp does not automatically exempt any product derived from a hemp plant, regardless of the D9 -THC content of the derivative. In order to meet the definition of “hemp,” and thus qualify for the exemption from schedule I, the derivative must not exceed the 0.3% D9 -THC limit. The definition of “marihuana” continues to state that “all parts of the plant Cannabis sativa L.,” and “every compound, manufacture, salt, derivative, mixture, or preparation of such plant,” are schedule I controlled substances unless they meet the definition of “hemp” (by falling below the 0.3% D9 -THC limit on a dry weight basis) or are from exempt parts of the plant (such as mature stalks or non-germinating seeds). See 21 U.S.C. 802(16) (emphasis added). As a result, a cannabis derivative, extract, or product that exceeds the 0.3% D9 -THC limit is a schedule I controlled substance, even if the plant from which it was derived contained 0.3% or less D9 -THC on a dry weight basis.” (emphasis added)

While this position may appear to make sense on the first reading, it is actually a radical and unsupported interpretation of the Farm Bill for the reasons I will explain below. (Note: I have previously addressed this issue in another context in an article you can read by clicking here.) If allowed to stand, this provision could literally destroy the entire hemp/CBD industry. This is because WIPHE is a necessary component of all consumer hemp/CBD products. By taking the position that it is an illegal controlled substance, the DEA is pulling the proverbial rug out from under the entire industry. For this reason, I am publishing my legal theory on the legal status of WIPHE, which I encourage you to use in your comments to the IFR.

III. THE FARM BILL CONTEMPLATED AND LEGALIZED WIPHE

a. Hemp and Its Extracts Are Not Controlled Substances

Hemp is expressly lawful under federal law. The Farm Bill defines it as:

the plant Cannabis sativa L. and any part of that plant, including the seeds thereof and all derivatives, extracts, cannabinoids, isomers, acids, salts, and salts of isomers, whether growing or not, with a delta-9 tetrahydrocannabinol concentration of not more than 0.3 percent on a dry weight basis.(emphasisadded)

b. Dry Hemp, Including Partially Processed Dry Hemp, Is Lawful

It is clear that a hemp plant (or part of a plant) with THC levels that do not exceed the statutory 0.3% concentration limit on a dry weight basis is lawful. That plant (or part of the plant) can be chopped, ground, plucked, and otherwise processed dry and remain lawful. This is because the statutory definition directly addresses hemp on a dry weight basis. The issue addressed in this letter arises when hemp is processed for its oil, which necessarily renders the hemp plant and its parts “wet”. The statute does not contemplate measuring THC levels of a wet extract. For this reason, in determining whether it is lawful to transport WIPHE we must focus both on both the language and Farm Bill’s apparent intent.

c. The Statute Contemplates WIPHE

With respect to the Farm Bill’s language, it clearly contemplates that hemp extracts will be created, and that they will be lawful. Otherwise, the term “extract” would not have been included in the definition of hemp. Under almost any normal hemp extraction and manufacturing process it is impossible to avoid a stage in which the extract is both “wet” and within the 0.3% THC limitation. For example, take the most basic processing method of trimming and separating a hemp plant’s stalks, stems, and seeds (SSS) from its leaves and flowers. Processing the plant in this way, which occurs on some level for most hemp cultivated in the US, increases the concentrations of THC despite not increasing the actual amount of THC. This is because the plant parts consisting of the SSS are weighty and do not have meaningful quantities of trichomes from which THC and other cannabinoids are produced. Separating the trichome-rich portions of the plant from the other parts will always increase the THC levels in the resulting non-SSS product, which is typically biomass or flower. This problem is compounded with contemporary extraction techniques, which use highly technical methods to separate and refine desired hemp “parts” (i.e., cannabinoids, terpenes, sesquiterpenes, etc.) from the less valuable parts (i.e., fibers, waxes, chlorophyll, etc.) into the extracts, oils, distillates, and isolates used in almost all consumer hemp products on the market.

For these reasons, it is reasonable to assume that Congress intended for extracts to be produced and that such production will necessarily result in a stage during the processing phase when the extract contains THC concentrations in excess of 0.3%. In other words, it is reasonable to conclude that Congress contemplated the existence of WIPHE.

d. The Farm Bill’s Intent Is to Distinguish Hemp from Marijuana

Under federal law, the legal status of cannabis sativa l (cannabis) is based on its THC concentrations. If it contains THC concentrations that exceed 0.3% it is marijuana (or so-called “hot” hemp). On the other hand, if it contains THC concentrations that do not exceed 0.3% it is lawful hemp. In distinguishing hemp from marijuana, Congress created a “bright line” test based on THC levels. For this reason, it is reasonable to assume that Congress did not intend to legalize for sale or use hemp extracts that contain THC levels in excess of 0.3%, even when the extract is derived from a lawful hemp plant. If not, this would neuter the statute’s clear intent to distinguish between lawful (hemp) and unlawful (marijuana) forms of cannabis.

However, as discussed above, it is also clear that Congress contemplated WIPHE. The most logical and coherent reconciliation of these two premises (ie, (a) that Congress did not intend to legalize “hot” hemp extract, and (b) that Congress contemplated WIPHE) is that Congress contemplated, and impliedly authorized, WIPHE, provided that it was not sold or consumed. In other words, “hot” hemp extract is lawful only when it is in a dynamic state between the lawful hemp plant itself and the lawful resulting extract during a legitimate manufacturing process and not sold or made available to end use consumers while in that dynamic state. This is to say that hemp extract it is lawful when it is WIPHE.

IV. CONCLUSION

The issue of WIPHE has been around, albeit “underground”, for several years. I routinely discuss it with my clients that process and manufacture hemp and CBD products. Without any official position on the matter by the USDA or the FDA, nor any enforcement attempts by the DEA, the WIPHE issue remained an “elephant in the room”, a massive issue that no one wanted to discuss. The general idea was that if no one addressed it publicly then it would never come to light. Unfortunately, it has finally come to light in the form of an official DEA rule. As usual, the DEA has taken the wrong position. This time, its position is an existential threat to the hemp/CBD industry. I encourage you to comment on the link provided above and to reach out to your elected officials. Hemp is a popular issue with both Democrats and Republicans, and our leadership needs to understand that the DEA is threatening to wipe it out.

Disclaimer: The legal positions expressed in this article are not intended to be, and should not be construed as, legal advice. The issues presented and legal theories asserted are novel. You should consult with an attorney before taking any action regarding these matters.
 
Black veteran walks free after almost a decade in jail over $30 marijuana sale

A Black veteran sentenced to life behind bars over a petty $30 marijuana bust was set free from the Louisiana State Penitentiary on Tuesday, his lawyers said, after his prison term was revisited in court earlier this month.

Prosecutors agreed to soften Derek Harris’ punishment, and District Judge Laurie Hulin sentenced him on Aug. 6 to time already served.

Harris was leveled with the life sentence in 2012 after he offered less than a gram of pot to an undercover agent. The Gulf War veteran developed a drug addiction after returning to the U.S. from overseas, his lawyer Cormac Boyle said.

Harris’ case made it to the Louisiana Supreme Court this summer, and the top court granted him a new hearing in district court.

The Promise of Justice Initiative, which represents Harris, shared a video of him smiling after his release from the maximum-security prison at Angola.

“I would like to thank my family — God first — my family,” he said, also offering his appreciation to the PJI, a New Orleans-based nonprofit.

A GoFundMe fundraising page was posted for Harris as he works to rebuild his life.
 
Biden Administration Will Pursue Marijuana Decriminalization, VP Pick Harris Says

Published
August 24, 2020
By
Kyle Jaeger


Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden and his vice presidential running mate Sen. Kamala Harris (D-CA) discussed marijuana decriminalization and other drug policy reforms during their first joint interview as a ticket this weekend.
Harris was pressed on her prosecutorial record, specifically as it concerns her previous call for more law enforcement officers in the streets. She talked about policing reform but went on to state that, under a Biden administration, there will be a “policy that is going to be about decriminalizing marijuana.”
This is the first time since Biden and Harris were formally nominated last week that they’ve addressed drug policy reform, and it’s notable that the senator opted to call for “decriminalization” rather than legalization. While Harris evolved on the issue to the point where she introduced a bill last year to federally deschedule and legalize marijuana, Biden remains opposed to the broad policy change.
The former vice president has instead put forward proposals to decriminalize cannabis possession, legalize medical marijuana, expunge prior convictions and let states set their own policies.
During the ABC News interview, Biden also said “we’re going to make sure that we change the entire system in the way in which we deal with, with criminal justice from punishment to rehabilitate, no one should be going to jail because they have a drug addiction.” He also said that those individuals “should be going into mandatory drug treatment, that’s why I set up drug courts.”

Not what we had hoped but predictable.
 
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Biden Administration Will Pursue Marijuana Decriminalization, VP Pick Harris Says

Published
August 24, 2020
By
Kyle Jaeger


Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden and his vice presidential running mate Sen. Kamala Harris (D-CA) discussed marijuana decriminalization and other drug policy reforms during their first joint interview as a ticket this weekend.
Harris was pressed on her prosecutorial record, specifically as it concerns her previous call for more law enforcement officers in the streets. She talked about policing reform but went on to state that, under a Biden administration, there will be a “policy that is going to be about decriminalizing marijuana.”
This is the first time since Biden and Harris were formally nominated last week that they’ve addressed drug policy reform, and it’s notable that the senator opted to call for “decriminalization” rather than legalization. While Harris evolved on the issue to the point where she introduced a bill last year to federally deschedule and legalize marijuana, Biden remains opposed to the broad policy change.
The former vice president has instead put forward proposals to decriminalize cannabis possession, legalize medical marijuana, expunge prior convictions and let states set their own policies.
During the ABC News interview, Biden also said “we’re going to make sure that we change the entire system in the way in which we deal with, with criminal justice from punishment to rehabilitate, no one should be going to jail because they have a drug addiction.” He also said that those individuals “should be going into mandatory drug treatment, that’s why I set up drug courts.”

Not what we had hoped but predictable.
While I am a vigorous advocate for MJ legalization, I would respect a politician with 40 years of anti-drug crusading more if they stuck by their VERY long held positions (ill advised and misguided as they may be) rather than say any fucking thing as long as it will get votes and will get them elected to more time at the public trough.

In no manner or form do I believe that Biden has really shifted his stance on MJ. What he has shifted is his stance on wanting to be President.

I hate politicians...all of them.
 
Biden Administration Will Pursue Marijuana Decriminalization, VP Pick Harris Says

Published
August 24, 2020
By
Kyle Jaeger


Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden and his vice presidential running mate Sen. Kamala Harris (D-CA) discussed marijuana decriminalization and other drug policy reforms during their first joint interview as a ticket this weekend.
Harris was pressed on her prosecutorial record, specifically as it concerns her previous call for more law enforcement officers in the streets. She talked about policing reform but went on to state that, under a Biden administration, there will be a “policy that is going to be about decriminalizing marijuana.”
This is the first time since Biden and Harris were formally nominated last week that they’ve addressed drug policy reform, and it’s notable that the senator opted to call for “decriminalization” rather than legalization. While Harris evolved on the issue to the point where she introduced a bill last year to federally deschedule and legalize marijuana, Biden remains opposed to the broad policy change.
The former vice president has instead put forward proposals to decriminalize cannabis possession, legalize medical marijuana, expunge prior convictions and let states set their own policies.
During the ABC News interview, Biden also said “we’re going to make sure that we change the entire system in the way in which we deal with, with criminal justice from punishment to rehabilitate, no one should be going to jail because they have a drug addiction.” He also said that those individuals “should be going into mandatory drug treatment, that’s why I set up drug courts.”

Not what we had hoped but predictable.
JAJAJA they won't even put legalization on their platform. Biden is one of the architects of the 86 Narcotics bill that helped jail thousands of people of color. Harris has done a complete turnaround from her prosecuting days where she was anti pot until last year. . I don't trust any of them. It's going to take the individual states to legalize by voter mandate. :smile:


Joe Biden: The Architect of America’s Disastrous War on Drugs
Joe Biden is kicking off another presidential run. Will his role in the drug war finally catch up with him?
Thursday, April 25, 2019
biden.jpg

Image Credit: LBJ Library photo by Jay Godwin
Brittany Hunter

Brittany Hunter
Politics Joe Biden War on Drugs Mandatory Minimums Drugs Tough on Crime Election 2020 Marijuana marijuana legalization Mass Incarceration
As expected, former vice-president Joe Biden is once again running for president, joining what feels like a million other Democrats who declared their candidacies.
While Biden’s more moderate views offer an appealing alternative to the extremism championed by the likes of Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, his role as the godfather of the War on Drugs warrants attention.
The Architect of the Drug War
Uncle Joe might be everybody’s favorite political meme, but he is also responsible for many of the policies that led to the breakdown of the American criminal justice system. And after decades of perpetuating the War on Drugs, our country has finally been forced to take a hard look at the policies that led us to where we are today.
Mass incarceration and mandatory minimum sentencing laws have destroyed innocent lives, torn apart families, and cost the American taxpayers $182 billion annually. The practice of civil asset forfeiture has allowed law enforcement to seize money and property from people who were neither charged with nor convicted of a crime. As a young US senator, Biden played a role in the creation and adoption of each of these policies.
In January, looking to garner support for a future run, Biden spoke on criminal justice reform at an event sponsored by the National Action Network in Washington, DC. Few politicians have done more harm in America’s War on Drugs than the former senator from Delaware.

Addressing a room full of criminal justice advocates, he said, “I haven’t always been right, but I’ve always tried.” While the first half of his statement is most certainly true, the second half is a harder pill to swallow. And the Americans affected by the destructive policies he penned might not forget Biden’s role as architect of the drug war.

The website Leafly, which provides education on all things cannabis, went so far as to claim that “few politicians have done more harm in America’s war on drugs than the former senator from Delaware.” This is quite the accusation to make, but there is overwhelming evidence to back it all up.
Tough on Crime
In the 1980s, Biden fell victim to the “tough on crime” rhetoric that was so popular in its day. As a senator from Delaware, he served as chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, which oversees the Department of Justice and is responsible for implementing many of the disastrous policies that were passed during this time. In a 1982 New York Times article, Biden coined the term “drug czar” when he called for the federal government to create this new role.
The article says:
But Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr., … who is a strong advocate of antinarcotics efforts, said today that he thought no program could work without a Cabinet-level "drug czar" in charge to coordinate the work of various agencies.
Just a few years later, Biden got his wish with the creation of the new Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP), whose head is referred to as the “drug czar.” And with this new department came stricter policies for drug offenders and a hefty price tag for the American public. In one of its earlier reports, the ONDCP asked for more taxpayer dollars to enforce its new policies:
Last February, this Administration requested nearly $717 million in new drug budget authority for Fiscal Year 1990. Now, after six months of careful study, we have identified an immediate need for $1.478 billion more. With this report, the Administration is requesting FY 1990 drug budget authority totaling $7.864 billion—the largest single-year dollar increase in history.
In addition to supporting the creation of the ONDCP, Biden also voted for its reauthorization in 1996 and supported its propaganda campaign against the American people. In the bill that received support from the former veep, it reads:
The Director shall ensure that no Federal funds appropriated to the Office of National Drug Control Policy shall be expended for any study or contract relating to the legalization (for a medical use or any other use) of a substance listed in schedule I of section 202 of the Controlled Substances Act (21 U.S.C. 812) and take such actions as necessary to oppose any attempt to legalize the use of [such] a substance (in any form).
In other words, the ONDCP committed itself to keep certain substances illegal even if new credible information comes to light. In fact, as the last line suggests, the drug czar is even encouraged to take whatever action is necessary to keep this information from the American public. This should terrify anyone concerned with government transparency.
In 1984, Biden cosponsored the Comprehensive Crime Control Act of 1984. This legislation gave law enforcement the authority to seize money and property from those suspected of drug trafficking—without ever having to charge them with a crime. This resulted in the decades-long practice of civil asset forfeiture that has incentivized law enforcement to police for profit and steal from the same individuals they have sworn to protect.
Mass Incarceration
In 1994, Biden’s signature piece of legislation, the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, was signed into law by President Clinton. The bill expanded the federal government’s use of the death penalty, banned certain people from owning assault weapons, denied certain higher education rights to inmates, and included the “three-strike” provision for repeat offenders. It also contributed to the dramatic rise in the country’s prison population in the years that followed.
Clinton later apologized for the bill, saying, “I signed a bill that made the problem worse and I want to admit it.” Unfortunately, Biden has issued no such apology, but the policy manager for the Drug Policy Alliance, Michael Collins, commented: "Joe Biden should apologize—just as Bill Clinton did—for his role in mass incarceration, and he should champion systemic change.”
Biden helped change the law so that those caught with a mere 5 grams of crack had the same mandatory minimum as those caught with 500 of cocaine.


Perhaps the most egregious of Biden’s transgressions is the role he played in the creation of the 100-to-1 sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine. As the country panicked over the “crack” epidemic, legislators set out to dole out harsher punishments to those found guilty of selling the substance.
The Anti-Drug Abuse Act, which was written at least partially by Biden, changed the law so that those caught with a mere five grams of crack cocaine were subject to the same mandatory minimum as those caught with 500 grams of powdered cocaine. The application of this law disproportionately harmed African-American communities and contributed to mass incarceration.
According to a 2006 report from the American Civil Liberties Union, Cracks in the System: Twenty Years of the Unjust Federal Crack Cocaine Law:
In 1986, before the enactment of federal mandatory minimum sentencing for crack cocaine offenses, the average federal drug sentence for African Americans was 11% higher than for whites. Four years later, the average federal drug sentence for African Americans was 49% higher.
The report continues:
The effects of mandatory minimums not only contribute to these disproportionately high incarceration rates, but also separate fathers from families, separate mothers with sentences for minor possession crimes from their children, create massive disfranchisement of those with felony convictions, and prohibit previously incarcerated people from receiving some social services for the betterment of their families.
In 2003, Biden sponsored the Reducing Americans' Vulnerability to Ecstasy Act (RAVE Act), which altered existing legislation known as the “crackhouse law.” The RAVE Act made it legal for prosecutors to go after club owners and promoters if drugs are found on their property. The law effectively allowed the club owners to be tried as if they were running a crackhouse (hence the original name). However, while Biden maintained a “tough on crime” attitude with the rest of the country, his own children were being spared any punishments for their drug crimes.
In 1998, Biden’s daughter Ashley was arrested for cannabis possession in Louisiana. While others arrested for the same offense faced sentences sometimes spanning decades, Ashley Biden was never convicted of any drug-related crime. In 2014, Hunter Biden was discharged from the Navy after testing positive for cocaine. Like his daughter, no charges were ever filed against Biden’s son.
Has He Really Changed?
While it might be politically wise for Biden to say “he has always tried,” his actions tell a different story. A 2018 Pew Research poll found that 62 percent, or six out of ten people, believe marijuana should be legalized. Yet, while endorsing legalization is a fairly safe policy stance these days, Biden has failed to get behind legalization to any degree.
In 2010, during an interview on ABC News, he said, “I think legalization is a mistake. I still believe [marijuana] is a gateway drug.” It should be noted that at this point in time, even DARE had stopped listing marijuana as a gateway drug.
By now, it is common knowledge that the War on Drugs has been a complete failure. It’s time for us to hold those responsible for the drug war accountable for their actions. Too much damage has been done to merely look the other way on an issue so important. Luckily for Democrats, they have plenty of other candidates to choose from should Biden’s drug war record finally catch up with him.




Why Joe Biden's Son Wasn't Charged for Cocaine in Pot-Hating Yavapai County
RAY STERN | MAY 24, 2019 | 7:00AM


How did Robert Hunter Biden, son of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden, escape a cocaine charge in 2016 in Yavapai County, where even medical marijuana patients get busted for possessing marijuana?

At first glance, it seems Biden might have gotten a political pass after he returned a rental car in Prescott on October 27, 2016. The car contained a pipe with cocaine residue and a small amount of a white, powdery substance.

After all, Prescott, a northern Arizona town of about 42,000 people, is the county seat of Yavapai County, home to County Attorney Sheila Polk, the state's foremost pot prohibitionist.

In office since 2000, Polk led a successful campaign to defeat a legalization measure in 2016. She encouraged police to write up felony charges on people in possession only of cannabidiol (CBD), a hemp compound that doesn't get people high. And her penchant for locking up medical marijuana patients has resulted in a pending state Supreme Court decision over the legality of cannabis resin extracts.

Biden, a 49-year-old lawyer and managing partner of the investment firm Rosemont Seneca Partners, has a little problem with cocaine — that much is publicly known. In 2014, he got booted out of the Navy Reserve, where he'd served as a public affairs officer, after he tested positive for cocaine. So it's not a stretch to imagine that it was indeed the then-vice president's son who left the drugs in the rental car that day in Prescott.

Breitbart.com made the 21-page report on the incident public in an article last week, probably hoping to embarrass the elder Biden with it and hurt his chances as a presidential candidate. The incident doesn't say anything about Joe Biden, really, and the younger Biden never actually faced charges. But it does beg the question of why the county finds it so easy to bust state-authorized medical marijuana patients, but found it so tough to bring a drug charge against a prominent politician's son.

Phoenix New Times received an independent copy of the report from the Prescott City Attorney's Office.

As the report details, police received a call about Biden and the cocaine at about noon on October 28, 2016, from "Emily," a worker at the Hertz rental car office at the Prescott Regional Airport. Emily reported that someone returned a silver Jeep Compass with a bunch of personal items still inside. Those included a wallet with an attorney general's badge, two driver's licenses in the name of Robert Biden with his Washington, D.C., address, a Secret Service business card, and credit cards.

On the passenger seat was a "pipe that [Emily] thought was used to smoke meth," and a small baggie with the white powder. Emily googled Biden's name and learned that Robert was Joe Biden's son.

Prescott police officers searched the car, took photos, and impounded the items. Detectives contacted the FBI, and two FBI agents soon showed up, the report states. Biden was "located by Secret Service" and deemed to be doing "well."

Prescott authorities sent the pipe to the state Department of Public Safety for testing; the baggie with powder apparently wasn't tested. DPS later reported that the pipe contained cocaine residue but no fingerprints. Prescott police forwarded the case to the Yavapai County Attorney's Office for prosecution.

But on November 16, 2016, the prosecutor's office sent a letter to the police agency noting that it was turning down the case. It included a couple of reasons for the decision: "That charge would likely be designated a misdemeanor even if convicted at a jury trial. [Biden] has no prior felonies."

Yet Polk's office has repeatedly threatened marijuana patients and CBD users who have no prior criminal records with felonies (for cannabis) even though they were likely to be designated as misdemeanors, as most low-level drug cases are. To put it another way, the same reasons haven't stopped Polk from charging state-authorized marijuana patients for possessing cannabis resin extracts like vape-pen cartridges.

The county asked the police department to forward the case to the city for potential prosecution, which it did. The city also turned down the case.

Dennis McGrane, Polk's chief deputy, told New Times that Biden "was not alleged to have possessed a usable quantity of cocaine in this case (Class 4 felony), but rather he was alleged to have had a pipe and a torn baggie with cocaine residue (Class 6 undesignated felony). Barring a criminal history that would justify felony treatment of a particular defendant, it is our standard practice to send these cases to the prosecutor having jurisdiction over misdemeanors, in this case, the city of Prescott.

"Mr. Biden lacked that type of criminal history, so we followed normal office procedure," McGrane continued. "I think we can both agree that no person should be punished more harshly merely because of his or her parent(s)."

McGrane added that extracted cannabis resin under Arizona law, also a class 4 felony, is not eligible for a misdemeanor designation.

That, in theory, could explain why medical marijuana patients with cannabis resin have been getting the shaft in Yavapai County and someone like Biden could escape a criminal charge.

However, the city's turn-down letter — which, for whatever reason, was not in the police report as published by Breitbart — makes the reasoning by prosecutors in Biden's case much clearer than it seems in the Yavapai letter.

Glenn Savona, then the Prescott city prosecutor under Prescott City Attorney Jon Paladini, wrote in a November 23, 2016, letter to Prescott police that the case contained insufficient evidence for prosecution.

"The report does not place the suspect in the vehicle at any time that the alleged paraphernalia was present," Savona wrote in the letter, which was sent to New Times by Paladini.

"The vehicle was returned by another and, although the suspect's identification was present in the vehicle, there is no evidence to show that the suspect was present when the items were used ... or had any personal connection to the items," Savona's letter continued. "There is little investigation regarding the person returning the vehicle or when the last time the suspect had access to the vehicle. I did confirm that there is no video of the return of the vehicle to the rental business."
Savona was elected Justice of the Peace for Yavapai County in 2016.

Paladini, the Prescott City Attorney since 2013, said he didn't believe Biden received any special privileges in the case. It's possible that someone who returned a rental car with illegal drugs inside might be prosecuted if there were more evidence tying the suspect to the drugs, he said. :biggrin:

In this case, the suspect wasn't found with the drugs, and there were no witnesses or fingerprints. The evidence didn't pass the typical "reasonable likelihood of prosecution" test, Paladini said.

In Yavapai County medical marijuana arrest cases covered by New Times, the suspect was always found with the suspected cannabis, usually in a traffic stop. The prosecutor had discretion not to prosecute in those cases, too, when the suspects showed their state-issued medical marijuana cards.

But patients like Adam Wanko, who has cancer, and Ashle Stuart, diagnosed with a nervous system disorder, were still charged after police in Prescott found them with THC vape pens. Stuart was convicted after taking a plea deal; Wanko's case is still pending.

It's not Hunter Biden's cocaine story that was likely giving him or his father the most anxiety in recent weeks: Trump has called for investigations into Hunter Biden's business dealings in Ukraine and China, and Hunter Biden ended his relationship with his deceased brother's widow.
 

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